XVIII International scientific conference “Chinese Civilization: Traditions and Modernity”

Dear colleagues!

We kindly invite you to take part in the XVIII International scientific conference “Chinese Civilization: Traditions and Modernity”, which will be held on November 14, 2024.

Invitation Letter↵

Proposition of Ukraine-India collaboration from the participants of Ukraine-Indian Forum, March 15, 2024

The Ukrainian-Indian Forum, held on March 15, 2024, brought together statesmen and officials, politicians, business representatives, leading scientists and experts from Ukraine and India on one platform. Institutional and personal contacts were established between some participants, which will further contribute to the intensification of ties between the peoples of Ukraine and India. Both sides continue to think about how to improve relations between the countries at both the state and civil society levels. These considerations have resulted in the recommendations below.

Technological collaboration

SINERGIA, Bengaluru

Scope

• Existing Technological Collaborations between India and Ukraine.
• Impetus to Existing and Exploring New Collaborations.
• Comprehensive Bilateral Agreements.

Existing Tech Collaborations Between India and Ukraine

India and Ukraine have a successful collaboration in technology and science, with diverse areas of cooperation, showcasing a strong partnership between the two nations.The Joint S&T Committee, established in May 1992, meets annually to discuss projects. There is a need to give impetus to the existing collaborations.

Space Sector: National Space Agency of Ukraine and ISRO have ongoing cooperation in the space sector. This includes joint satellite launches using Indian rockets and Ukrainian satellites, as well as scientific cooperation on space research projects.

Information Tech: India’s IT industry has partnered with Ukrainian IT firms on various projects includes joint software development and IT services outsourcing. Aptech Limited from Mumbai signing agreements with the International Institute of Personnel Management, Ukraine.

DefenceTech: India and Ukraine have a strong relationship in defense cooperation includes joint development and production of defense equipment, as well as collaboration on R&D projects.

Agricultural Tech:  With both countries being major agricultural producers, India and Ukraine have partnered on agricultural technology initiatives. This includes collaboration on developing new crop varieties, improving irrigation techniques, and sharing knowledge on agricultural machinery.

Bio-Tech Sector: Both countries are cooperating in the biotechnology sector, with companies like Biocon and Genome engaging in joint efforts.

Opportunities for EnhancingTechnological Collaboration.

1. Space Technology: India has a robust space program, while Ukraine has a rich heritage in:

• Space exploration initiatives,
• Aerospace engineering,
• Advanced Rocket Technology,
• Space Material science.

2. Artificial Intelligence: India is a major IT hub, while Ukraine too has a large pool of skilled IT professionals.Both countries must actively develope AI applications. Collaboration can lead to advancements in areas like

• Tech Solutions & joint software development,
• Machine learning,
• Natural language processing.

3. Telecommunications: India has a large and growing telecom sector, while Ukraine has expertise in:

• Satellite comn tech – integrating satl tech into India’s existing network,
• Next-generation telecom infrastructure and services,
• Cyber Security Solutions- India is a growing digital economy, but cybersecurity threats are a major concern. Ukraine has a strong pool of cybersecurity professionals and experience defending critical infrastructure from cyberattacks.
• Collaboration / co-development of advanced security solutions,
• Information sharing on emerging threats,
• Training programmes for Indian cybersecurity professionals.

4. Defence Technology: Both nations have well-established defence sectors. Joint ventures can focus on:

• Co-development of weapon systems,
• ISR technology transfer,
• Military Aircraft engines/ spares,
• Submarine Engine technology.

5. Renewable Energy: India is looking to diversify its energy mix, while Ukraine has expertise in:

• Solar and Wind power generation,
• Collaboration in RE technologies,
• Setting up manufacturing facilities,
• Supplying turbines for power plants – thermal, hydroelectric and nuclear plants.

6. Biotechnology: India has a strong pharmaceutical industry, while Ukraine has expertise in genetic engineering. Collaboration can lead to advancements in vaccine development, drug development and pharma R&D.
7. Nano Technology: Both countries have ongoing research programs in nanotechnology. Joint efforts can focus on developing nanomaterials for various applications, such as:

• Electronics,
• Medicine,
• Energy

8. Agriculture Technology: India is a major agricultural producer, while Ukraine has expertise in precision agriculture techniques. Collaboration can address challenges:

• Crop yield improvement,
• Soil management,
• Sustainable farming practices,
• Irrigation Tech.

9. Education and Training: Collaboration in education and training programs can help develop a

• Future workforce skilled in emerging technologies.
• Student exchange programs,
• Joint research projects,
• Faculty development initiatives.

Comprehensive Bilateral Agreements

• Prioritise specific opportunities for Tech collaborations.
• Working groups to jointly examine each proposal.
• Agreements to implement proposals in a time bound manner.

By leveraging the complementary strengths, India and Ukraine can become leaders in technological innovation on the global stage.

India – Ukraine Interparliamentary cooperation

Yulia Klymenko, Secretary of the Group for Interpar liamentary Relations with the Republic of India, Member of Parliament of Ukraine.

• Intensify parliamentary cooperation between Ukraine-India friendship groups. Including in 2024 a joint delegation of the Verkhovna Rada + the Cabinet of Ministers (Ministry of Economy, Agro, Infrastructure and Strategic Industries) + business + academic and public sectors to visit India.
• To hold a scientific conference on the results of the elections in India (Yulia Klymenko, Secretary of the Group for Interparliamentary Relations with the Republic of India, Member of Parliament of Ukraine ).

India – Ukraine bussiness cooperation

Yulia Klymenko, Secretary of the Group for Interparliamentary Relations with the Republic of India, Member of Parliament of Ukraine.

• Invite an Indian delegation in the fall of 2024 and hold a business forum at that time.

India – Ukraine cooperation in education 

Yulia Klymenko, Secretary of the Group for Interparliamentary Relations with the Republic of India, Member of Parliament of Ukraine.

• Sign agreements/memorandums of cooperation between universities of Ukraine and India

India – Ukraine collaboration in media sphere

Ram Dange, Deputy Chairman of the Ukraine-India Society, founder of Indrayani Overseas and Gala Foods

India’s media sphere is lack of information about Russia-Ukraine war and Indian media is dominated by the Russian point of view. There are steps to change it.

• To create the information bulletin revealing the war events where the Indian journalists will take participation;
• To create a video with a strong message on war events in Ukraine (Bucha, Mariupol, Kharkiv, Odesa) where the Indian journalists will take participation;
• Such bulletin/video can be sponsored by Western countries;
• Bulletin will be shown in India on the main important TV channels as well as the journals there in India.
• To make an event like the recent Forum, but with big media coverage. 

Ukraine – India Collaboration in Cinematography

Stanislav Martyniuk, civil activist

• Create a production base in Ukraine to translate films and TV series from and into Indian languages
• Establish an exchange of film and television products to which state agencies in both countries have rights
• Hold a Ukrainian-Indian forum for professionals in the field of film and television production
• Harmonize legislation in the field of film production, in particular, provide for subsidies (rebates) for filming for film crews from both countries, following the example of agreements between India and the United Kingdom, India and the United States
• Establish an exchange of students studying languages (translators) and those studying to become film producers (directors, cameramen, etc.)
• Hold a festival of Ukrainian cinema in India and a festival of Indian cinema in Ukraine
• Screen several Indian TV series in Ukraine, such as Mahabharat (2013) and Devon ke dev Mahadev (2013), to familiarize Ukrainian audiences with the cultural heritage and worldview of Indians. This will help Ukrainians better understand Indians.
• Show a selection of 50 Ukrainian films in India that will form a pro-Ukrainian image in the minds of Indian viewers as opposed to Russian propaganda in India
• Actively engage Indian actors and musicians as Goodwill Ambassadors
• Develop co-production of feature films and documentaries

Ukraine – India collaboration in publishing industry

Valentyna Vitkova PhD, Director, Publishing House “Asiatica”

As a publisher of popular scientific literature, we see the following key points for development:

• India has a rich cultural heritage, which can be presented through popular science publications about its history, architecture, religion, philosophy and traditions;
• India also has a long tradition in the fields of philosophy, medicine, mathematics and astronomy, which can be represented through popular science books;
• India is also one of the leaders in the development of modern technologies and scientific research. The publication of joint scientific research and monographs can strengthen the scientific communities of both countries and facilitate the exchange of knowledge and experience;
• participation in Indian Book Fairs and Exhibitions.It is necessary to take part in reputed Indian book fairs (New Delhi World Book Fair, Jaipur Literature Festival, etc.), which may provide us with an opportunity to introduce our books to the Indian audience and establish contacts with publishers and authors. In particular, in January 2025 Asiatica Publishing house is going to attend the Chennai Book Fair;
• organizing the exchange of authors and experts between Ukraine and India (common research projects, exchange of experience and organizing joint lectures and seminars) can contribute to the creation of new books and popular scientific works.

Here are a few directions that we see in the future within the framework of Ukrainian-Indian cooperation in the publishing field:

• book catalogue replenishment. The publishing catalogue always serves as an important tool for establishing effective cooperation in the publishing industry. It is necessary to enrich our catalogue with works by authors from India, offering Ukrainian readers even more literary works and other projects;
• partnerships with authors and publishers: to look actively for new authors and work with publishing houses to present new and unique works to our readers;
• market expansion: to study development prospects not only in the Ukrainian market, but also at the international level;
• expanding cooperation with educational institutions: to cooperate with educational and research institutions in Ukraine and abroad;
• to support research activities and publish scientific works,monographsand articles related to the study and research of various aspects of Indian culture, history, religion and other areas;
• to publish translated works in order to provide Ukrainian readers with a wide range of literature from India, including access to unique texts.

In addition, the following vectors are undoubtedly important for the development of Ukrainian-Indian relations in the publishing industry:

• the exchange of literature and books. The prospect here is to increase the exchange of books and literature between Ukraine and India;
• joint publishing projects: collaboration in creating common books and series is possible;
• opportunity to exchange experience and know-how in the field of publishing, marketing and book promotion;
• the establishment of common literary journals and publishing series to promote Ukrainian and Indian literature on the international market;
• the development of online presence: to develop websites and other online platforms in order to popularize books and establish a closer connection with audience;

Each of these perspectives has its own unique advantages.

THE GLOBAL BALANCE OF POWER: ASSESSING THE IMPACT OF US-CHINA RIVALRY ON UKRAINE AND TAIWAN

On May 30, 2024, the international round table “The Global Balance of Power: Assessing the Impact of US-China Rivalry on Ukraine and Taiwan” was held at the Ukrainian platform for Contemporary China – https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yllcAQeRB50 

The organizers: A. Krymskyi Institute of Oriental Studies NAS of Ukraine, the Ukrainian Association of Sinologists, Sinica podcast, and the Publishing House “Helvetica.”

The speakers: Da Wei, Director of Center for International Security and Strategy; Professor at School of Social Sciences, Tsinghua University; Dmytro Burtsev, Junior Fellow at A. Krymskyi Institute of Oriental Studies, National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine; Emilian Kavalski, Professor at Centre for International Studies and Development, Jagiellonian University in Krakow; Yuan I, Research Fellow, Institute of International Relations, National Chengchi University, Taiwan.

The event was moderated by Kaiser Kuo, host and co-founder of the Sinica Podcast.

Kaiser Kuo started with the statement that the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022 has not only had a profound impact on the security and stability of Europe but has also sparked discussions about the potential implications for other regions, particularly Taiwan, in the context of the growing rivalry between the United States and China. Kaiser introduced the participants and the key questions of the discussion – to explore the drivers of growing tension over Taiwan, the validity and utility of comparisons between Ukraine and Taiwan, and the impact of the Russo-Ukrainian War on Taiwan’s strategic thinking and global image.

Yuan I shared his findings that there is a parallel between the Russian invasion of Ukraine and China’s potential military aggression against Taiwan, as both leaders assert claims on the territories, applying historical interpretations as justification for their real or hypothetical actions.

Dmytro Burtsev reminds us of the official Ukrainian position, recognizing the one-China policy. While Taiwan has attracted the attention of some Ukrainian NGOs, it has not yet drawn significant interest from political elites. If any military actions occur in the Taiwan Strait, it is difficult to predict the official Ukrainian reaction. Dmytro shared his observation that there are many differing opinions on the meaningful parallels between the situations in Ukraine and the Taiwan Strait, both positive and negative. The biggest difference is that Ukraine is recognized by all countries, including Russia, as a sovereign state.

Da Wei said that Beijing doesn’t see much relation between the two situations because Taiwan is considered part of China. In contrast, Russia and Ukraine recognize each other as sovereign countries. There is a different interpretation of the constitutions of mainland China and Taiwan: both believe that they belong to the same country. Da Wei draws a parallel, suggesting that China’s relationship to Taiwan is similar to Ukraine’s relationship to Crimea. The biggest takeaway from the situation in Ukraine for Chinese think tankers and academia is that war is not easy and comes with a significant cost. As China is strongly integrated with the international economy, imposing sanctions on China would hurt the rest of the world, not just China. This situation is different from the one with sanctions on Russia.

Emilian Kavalski stated that for Eastern Europeans, the war was a shock but also predictable, as Russia had acted aggressively towards other countries in the region before. He emphasized that Europe’s economic engagement with Russia, which created trade dependence, was a wrong strategy. Emilian stressed that there is a growing realization that the war in Ukraine and the tensions in the Indo-Pacific theater are well-connected, creating a confrontation between different blocs, such as Russia and China on one side and the West on the other. Speaking about the US-China rivalry, the scholar believes that despite the rhetoric, both countries have many mechanisms to prevent a hot war.

Yuan I mentioned that the US has a bipartisan consensus on protecting Taiwan in case of China’s aggression, which is a profound difference from its position on Ukraine. In Taiwan, there is an understanding that the situations in Ukraine and Taiwan are different, including the size of the territory. However, both share a similarity in their aspirations toward democracy. The potential impact of a Trump presidency on Taiwan is unclear.

Dmytro Burtsev shared his opinion that the Budapest Memorandum of 1994 hasn’t effectively assured security guarantees for Ukraine. In comparison, the US Congress Taiwan Relations Act of 1979 guarantees protection for Taiwan, making it a stronger document provided to a non-sovereign territory. Dmytro believes that if Trump comes into office, he would continue supporting Ukraine; otherwise, it would be a significant reputational loss for US foreign policy.

Da Wei expressed his low expectations that the US’s hawkish position toward China would change, including its support of Taiwan’s independence narratives. Da Wei said that there is no strategic triangle between Russia, China, and the US now because Russia is relatively weak. In China, a small group of scholars believes that the US may shift to closer relations with Russia in the near future instead of strengthening ties with China.

Emilian Kavalski, assessing the Ukraine situation, advised Taiwan to develop relations with its neighbors in the region, as they could play a bigger role in supporting Taiwan in a worst-case scenario. Emilian shared his opinion that a potential Trump presidency is a big concern for Europe, considering his statements on NATO.

Da Wei added that Xi Jinping, like all his predecessors, is very serious about the historical legacy. This might explain his cautious approach to the war. Da Wei described China’s posture as a balancing act. He emphasized that the US-China rivalry impacts Taiwan’s security as well as international politics. The war in Ukraine has oversimplified this worldview, including the rhetoric that Taiwan is the next Ukraine, which he believes is absolutely wrong and is pushing Taiwan in the wrong direction. The US arming Taiwan puts it in a more dangerous position. From Da Wei’s perspective, Taiwan is one of the most prosperous places in the world, but the world is pushing it toward becoming another battlefield.

Yuan I stressed on Taiwan’s strategic importance and its geographical proximity to the mainland. He argued that Taiwan needs a more balanced posture among all stakeholders and that dialogue can help find less confrontational solutions. Yuan I noted that this is the first cross-strait dialogue he has participated in since 2019, and he appreciates the moment.

Dmytro Burtsev said that for Ukraine, relations with both the US and China are crucial. The US is the first strategic partner, while China is a key trade partner. Although there is still a chance to improve Chinese relations with Ukraine, but it is diminishing. Dmytro summarized that both Ukraine and Taiwan are at the center of the Great Powers’ competition, making it difficult for them to maintain balanced positions.

Emilian Kavalski noted that the chances of improving US-China relations to help find a consensus in Ukraine are very slim. However, he observed that the EU’s approach toward China is more about de-risking than de-coupling, with an increase in market protection and securitization rhetoric becoming common in Europe. Emilian agreed with Da Wei’s perception that all Chinese countermeasures would already be too late.

XXVII Ahatanhel Krymskyi Orientalist Conference

We kindly invite academicians and lecturers, postgraduate and master’s degree students to participate in the XXVII Ahatanhel Krymskyi Orientalist Conference.

The conference will be held on June 27, 2024.

Discussion panels are planned to cover the following issues:

• History and Cultures of Eastern Countries;
• Ancient Near East;
• Religions and Philosophical Doctrines of the Peoples of the East;
• Asian and Middle Eastern Languages and Literatures;
• Nomads of the Great Steppe;
• History and Culture of the Crimea and the Black Sea Region in the Middle Ages and the Modern Period;
• Jewish literary monuments; History of the Eastern European Jews;
• Political, Economic, and Socio-Cultural Development of Eastern Countries in the Modern Age;
• History and Cultures of Indigenous Peoples, Ethno-Confessional Minorities Living in Ukraine;
• Oriental Artifacts in Ukraine;
• History of Oriental Studies.

Presentation languages: Ukrainian, English. The presentation must be no longer than 15 minutes.

The conference will be held in a mixed format.

Participation is free of charge.

Applications are accepted until June 3, 2024:

To apply, please:

• fill in the registration form (in English) here
• send your presentation abstract to chytkrymskogo@gmail.com 

Please note that the number of co-authors per paper is restricted to two.

The Organizing Committee reserves the right to reject applications that violate academic integrity conditions and the rules of scientific ethics, do not meet the participation requirements or are received after June 3, 2024.

Applicants will be notified of the selection results by email no later than June 10, 2024.

Participants will receive a collection of conference proceedings and a certificate of a participant issued in electronic form. The collection of conference proceedings will be posted on the open platform of the Ukrainian-Polish publishing house “Liha-Pres” and included in the SENSE publisher rating at the link. 

ABSTRACTS FORMATTING GUIDELINES:

The abstract text should run between 350 – 700 words (including the list of references); *.rtf extension; font – Times New Roman; size – 14; 1.5 line spacing.

The abstract text should be formatted in such a manner:

indicate the name of the panel per the topic of your presentation; full name(s) of the author(s); ORCID; academic degree and/or title (if any), position; affiliation (specify the official name of your institution); city, state; title of the presentation; keywords; text of your presentation abstract.

• Pages should not be paginated
• The electronic file should be named in English under the surname and initials of the conference participant (for example, Johnson_B._abstract).
• The sources used should be listed at the end of the abstract text under the title “References:”. References to the sources used should be indicated by the ordinal number, separated by two square brackets, according to the list of sources, with the indication of the page number (if needed). For example: [1, p. 89].
• Please note that the Organizing Committee conducts its work by the recommendations of the Ethics Committee of the National Agency for Higher Education Quality Assurance aiming to stop or restrict the usage of information sources originating from the Russian Federation (the aggressor state) in scientific publications:

(https://naqa.gov.ua/2023/12/рекомендації-комітету-з-питань-етики/)

AN EXAMPLE OF THE ABSTRACT FORMATTING you will find in the PDF version of the CFP

15.03.2024 Ukraine-India Forum: A New Strategy for Relations in the Context of Global Change

On March 15, 2024, the Ukraine-India Forum: A New Strategy for Relations in the Context of Global Change was held. 

The forum was organized by the A. Krymskyi Institute of Oriental Studies of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine, the National Institute for Strategic Studies, and the Hennadii Udovenko Diplomatic Academy of Ukraine under the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The event was supported by the Parliamentary Group of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine on Interparliamentary Relations with the Republic of India and the Embassy of India in Ukraine. The forum was attended by the Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of India to Ukraine Harsh Kumar Jain and by the Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of Ukraine to India Oleksandr Polishchuk via the Internet. Ukrainian parliamentarians and representatives of various institutions from both sides were present. On the Ukrainian side, heads and representatives of the National Institute for Strategic Studies, A. Krymskyi Institute of Oriental Studies of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine, Hennadii Udovenko Diplomatic Academy of Ukraine at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Ukrainian Institute, Kyiv School of Economics, Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv, National University of Kyiv-MohylaAcademy, Odesa I. I. Mechnikov National University, Sumy National AgrarianUniversity, Institute of Market and Economic and Environmental Studies. On the Indian side, presentations were made by representatives of the Central University of South Bihar, Delhi University, Kalinga Institute of Social Sciences (KISS), and Kalinga Institute of Industrial Technology (KIIT). The representatives of Indian businesses in Ukraine were present. 

On the whole academics, professors, diplomats, experts from leading think tanks, public figures, civil activists and artists from both sides delivered the speeches. 

The forum expanded the network of contacts between Ukrainian and Indian societies, which in turn would intensify cooperation between the two countries. 

We sincerely thank all the participants and guests of the forum.

Round table “Ukrainian factor in Chinese strategy: two years since the Russian invasion”

On February 22, 2024, at 15:00, a round table discussion “Ukrainian Factor in Chinese Strategy: Two Years after the Russian Invasion” will be held.

Ukraine’s political dialogue with China has been put on hold due to Russian aggression, but it is crucial to continue the scientific dialogue on China between Ukrainian and international scholars and public figures. This is the goal of the Ukrainian Platform for Contemporary China, which was launched by the Ukrainian Association of Sinologists and the A. Krymskyi Institute of Oriental Studies of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine.

14.12.2023 XVII International scientific conference “Chinese Civilization: Traditions and Modernity”

Dear colleagues!

We kindly invite you to take part in the XVII International scientific conference “Chinese Civilization: Traditions and Modernity”, which will be held on December 14, 2023.

The Invitation Letter

23.05.2023 INTERNATIONAL ROUND TABLE “CHINESE-RUSSIAN COOPERATION IN THE CONTEXT OF THE WAR IN UKRAINE”. Chronicle

On May 23, 2023, the international round table “Sino-Russian cooperation in the context of the war in Ukraine” was held at the Ukrainian platform for Contemporary China. The organizers: A. Krymskyi Institute of Oriental Studies NAS of Ukraine, the National Institute of Strategic Studies, the Ukrainian Association of Sinologists and the Publishing House “Helvetica”.

4 key questions were discussed:

1. Does China’s peace plan mark the end of its diplomatic ghosting of Ukraine?
2. Does the “no-limits friendship” reach its limits in Ukraine?
3. What economic leverage do the US and Europe have over Sino-Russian convergence?
4. What are the potential implications of Sino-Russian cooperation for the global security?

The speakers:

Dmytro Yefremov (Ukraine), Olena Bordilovska (Ukraine), Chelsea Ngoc Minh Nguyen (Indonesia), Jiong Gong (China), Graeme Robertson (USA), Jakub Jakóbowski (Poland).

The event was moderated by Isabel Hilton, founder of the https://chinadialogue.net/ platform, who opened the event with a brief presentation of China’s position on the war in Ukraine since the full-scale invasion.

Jakub Jakóbowski emphasized the importance of such a professional discussion, especially considering the special mission of China’s special representative Li Hui to Ukraine, Poland, and other European countries these days. He expressed skepticism about the Chinese “peace plan” and China’s mediation in solving the Ukrainian issue due to the lack of experience of the PRC in such processes, as well as the asymmetry of Sino-Russian and Sino-Ukrainian relations in favor of Russia. Although, as the expert notes, Sino-Russian relations have certain limits. Jakub calls the Chinese peace mediation a game for strengthening its position in Europe and in the Global South, which would result in Beijing’s insisting on an immediate end to the war through negotiations.

Dmytro Yefremov reports that Chinese mediation should be considered in the context of Chinese culture, which is based on balance, peace and harmony, finding a compromise, especially with large countries. The different status of Ukraine and Russia in the architecture of international relations, from China’s point of view, presupposes the establishment of unfair terms of peace, shifted in favor of Russia.

Jiong Gong presented his perspective on the Chinese mediation mission, stressing that he is not a representative of the government. The professor noted that in the conditions of the protracted conflict, not only China is pushing for peace talks, but also a number of neutral countries in Southeast Asia, Africa, the Middle East, and Latin America, which represent the majority in terms of the world’s population. According to the expert, these countries will collectively contribute to peace mediation. China’s 12-point plan, or set of basic principles, still needs diplomatic efforts and consultations with the international community to produce results.

Olena Bordilovska noted that the reaction of the so-called Global South to the Chinese peace initiative is positive, which aims to reduce numerical risks, such as food and security crises. Most of the countries of the Global South want to be active players in the negotiation process regarding the establishment of peace in Ukraine, even competing for leadership in this. India plays a special role due to its rivalry with China and friendly relations with the USA, which neither supports the Ukrainian and Chinese plans nor offers its own solution to the conflict. The example of Pakistan, as an all-weather partner of the PRC and a traditionally neutral country in foreign policy, is also unique, because the country considers the Chinese peace initiative the only way to resolve the Ukrainian crisis.

Graeme Robertson emphasized that China is a global player, while Russia is only a regional player. China is not able to be a big influencer in Europe the way it influences the countries of Africa and Latin America, which is China’s great achievement. The war creates both challenges and new opportunities for China, including gains from a weakened Russia. China seeks to stabilize relations with Europe, which is seen as the main reason for its peace initiative.

Chelsea Ngoc Minh Nguyen shared her expert opinion that the moment China announced the “peace plan” can be considered a new stage 2.0 of China’s global role. The expert noted that China’s peace initiative should be considered not from the point of view of the Russian-Ukrainian war, but from the point of view of China’s global ambitions. Ukraine is gradually becoming a global player, communicating on various international platforms even with the closest Russian allies, such as India and Vietnam, which is important, given that the views of the countries of the Global South on the war in Ukraine differ.

Jiong Gong noted that China does not supply weapons to Russia, so it denies the existence of an alliance with this country in any sense. Economic cooperation with Ukraine and Russia continues, as well as a large number of other countries of the world cooperate with both countries, such as Turkey, Brazil, Argentina, Indonesia, etc. “No-limits friendship”, which was announced by China and Russia at the Winter Olympiсs before the invasion, the professor considers only as a diplomatic language, which China did not use again. Supporting Russia with weapons is a red line that China will never cross. China has primarily an economic interest in Ukraine and in Europe, which will prompt it to contribute to the end of the conflict, as well as be proactive in response to pressure from European leaders. The war in Ukraine affects not only the region but also the whole world, for example, by provoking a food crisis.

Jakub Jakóbowski believes that Sino-Russian relations are similar to an alliance, as this is confirmed by high-level meetings, as well as official rhetoric. The limits of friendship are set also under the pressure of the West.

Dmytro Yefremov noted that Russia does not perceive the Chinese 12-point document as a work plan in general. The expert also does not see sufficient signs of integration processes between the economies of China and Russia; their bilateral relations retain a contractual form, which he explains by the mutual distrust of the leadership of the two countries. Therefore, he does not see that China will be able to reach a consensus with Russia on the Ukrainian issue. At the same time, China is not interested in the fall of the Putin regime, because it does not want the Russian Federation to change to a pro-European vector.

Chelsea Ngoc Minh Nguyen added that Russia still has a positive image in Asia and is trying to find supporters, for example in countries such as India and Vietnam, which have territorial disputes with China. The expert also paid attention that official Kyiv adheres to the opinion that China has not yet supplied weapons to Russia and sees China’s position as neutral.

Graeme Robertson notes that the relationship between Russia and China is driven by the current interests of the two countries, which together can pose a significant threat to the collective West. On the Russian side, they are driven by support needs and market access needs. Historically, the countries have had episodes of hostility towards each other, which should also be taken into account when analyzing the nature of their bilateral relations.

Jiong Gong does not call the growth of Sino-Russian economic cooperation as a convergence, but considers this process as a result of the commercial reduction of competition in the Russian market after the withdrawal of Western companies. The expert stressed that China will not give up trade relations with any country under pressure. He considers China’s peacekeeping mission as the right initiative. The scientist said that NATO is a participant in the conflict, which carries a risk from the Chinese point of view.

Chelsea Ngoc Minh Nguyen added that the strengthening of Sino-Russian relations is explained by the deterioration of relations with Europe. With the beginning of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, security concerns in Asia increased, and the discussion of territorial disputes intensified.

Olena Bordilovska emphasized that the role of the countries of the Global South in the international system is growing, including global security. Ukraine did not pay enough attention to relations with the countries of the Global South. But now the situation is changing for the better, because Ukraine needs to be an active participant in international discussions, also with these countries. India sees China’s mediating role as a challenge for itself and is jealous of the strengthening of Sino-Russian relations. India has no successful experience as a mediator and has not offered any proposals on the Ukrainian issue. According to the professor, India sees a threat to its security due to the Sino-Russian approaching.

Jakub Jakóbowski recalled that Ukraine’s accession to NATO was not approved, so it could not serve as a real justification for the Russian invasion. According to the scientist, Sino-Russian relations will not affect the global architecture, but will increase the pressure on the strategic autonomy of Europe from the US and the displacement of the US from the Indo-Pacific region.

Dmytro Yefremov noted that the threat to international security is connected with China’s development of an alternative to the Western “order based on rules”. China positions its approach as an “order based on international law”, which de facto provides the possibility of its own interpretation of legal norms by China and other large countries, as a result of which their relativization occurs. China’s global security initiative will also have a similar relative character, while maintaining a framework and vagueness.

YT↵

23.05.2023 International roundtable “Sino-Russian relations in the context of the war in Ukraine”

Dear colleagues,

Welcome to sign in for the international roundtable “Sino-Russian relations in the context of the war in Ukraine” on the Ukrainian Platform for Contemporary China. The event will take place on May 23rd at 3-5 p.m. (Kyiv time) via ZOOM.

Please register for the event on the website  https://ua-china.org/russia-china.html

Isabel Hilton, founder of the ChinaDialogue.net platform, will chair the event with the following discussants: Dmytro Yefremov (Ukraine), Olena Bordilovska (Ukraine), Chelsea Ngoc Minh Nguyen (Indonesia), Gong Jiong (China), Graeme Robertson (USA), Jakub Jakóbowski (Poland).

The organizers: A. Krymskyi Institute of Oriental Studies, NAS of Ukraine, the National Institute of Strategic Studies, the Ukrainian Association of Sinologists, the Publishing House “Helvetica”.

23-24.11.2023 Scientific Conference MODERN AND CONTEMPORARY CULTURE: RESEARCH, HERITAGE PROTECTION, SOCIALAZATION